doi.org/10.15178/va.2022.155.e1329
RESEARCH
IDENTIFICATION OF FAKE NEWS PUBLISHED IN THE PAPER EDITION OF A PROVINCIAL NEWSPAPER IN THE ERA OF TRUMP'S DIGITAL DISINFORMATION AND THE START OF COVID. FROM GLOBAL TO LOCAL
IDENTIFICACIÓN DE LAS FAKE NEWS QUE SE PUBLICAN EN LA EDICIÓN EN PAPEL DE UN DIARIO PROVINCIAL EN LA ERA DE LA DESINFORMACIÓN DIGITAL DE TRUMP Y EL INICIO DEL COVID
IDENTIFICAÇÃO DAS FAKE NEWS QUE SE PUBLICARAM NA EDIÇÃO EM PAPEL DE UM DIÁRIO PROVINCIAL NA ERA DA DESINFORMAÇÃO DIGITAL DE TRUMP E O INÍCIO DA COVID
Jesús Mula-Grau1
Belén Cambronero-Saiz2
1Miguel Hernández University. Spain
2International University of La Rioja. Spain
ABSTRACT
Fake news has become a problem in the general information society and owes its pre-eminence, to a large extent, to the democratisation of social networks and the polarisation of different kinds of forces. But beyond the digital channels, there is a public, in this case of a local-provincial nature, which follows the news as it has traditionally done: mainly through its newspaper of reference, in print. This paper analyses, quantitatively and qualitatively, the contents related to fake news appearing in the printed version of Diario Información, between 3 February 2020, the start of the US election campaign and the appearance of the first case of coronavirus in Spain, two clear events that lead directly to fake news in origin or destination, until 21 January 2021, the latter day following the start of the Joe Biden era. The aim is to try to find out whether the acerbic debate and the prominence of fake news in digital channels have a proportional transfer to the pages of this newspaper and whether they are priority issues for the reader. The study makes it clear that, compared to the bombardment and noise surrounding fake news in social media, in the print press there is a predominance of calm reflection, analysis of the problem and a clear and endorsed denunciation of this type of message. And what is more important: it is almost no news for the paper.
KEYWORDS: Fake news, Trump, disinformation, post-truth, covid, infodemic, communication, hoaxes, infoxication
RESUMEN
Las fake news se han convertido en un problema en la sociedad de la información generalista y debe su preeminencia, en buena medida, a la democratización de las redes sociales y a la polarización de fuerzas de distinto índole. Pero más allá de los canales digitales, existe un público, en este caso de corte local-provincial, que sigue las noticias como tradicionalmente ha hecho: principalmente a través de su diario de referencia, en papel. Este trabajo analiza, cuantitativa y cualitativamente, los contenidos relacionados con las fake news aparecidos en la versión impresa del Diario Información, entre el 3 de febrero de 2020, inicio de la campaña electoral en EE UU y la aparición del primer caso de coronavirus en España, dos hechos claros que conducen directamente a noticias en origen o destino falsas, hasta el 21 de enero de 2021, día este último siguiente al inicio de la era Joe Biden. El objetivo es intentar conocer si el acerbo debate y el protagonismo de las fake news en los canales digitales tienen un traslado proporcional a las páginas de este rotativo y si son temas reflexión sosegada, un análisis del problema y una denuncia clara y avalada en contra de este tipo de mensajes. Y lo que es más importante: casi no es noticia para el papel.
PALABRAS CLAVE: Fake news, Trump, desinformación, posverdad, covid, infodemia, comunicación, bulos, infoxicación
RESUMO
As fake news têm se transformado em um problema na sociedade da informação generalista e deve sua preeminência, em boa medida, a democratização das redes sociais e a polarização de forças de diferentes origens. Mas além dos canais digitais existe um público, neste caso, de corte local-provincial, que segue as notícias como tradicionalmente, principalmente através do seu jornal de preferência, no papel. Este trabalho analisa, quantitativa e qualitativamente os conteúdos relacionados com as fake news que aparecem na versão impressa do Diario información, entre o 3 de fevereiro de 2020, início da campanha eleitoral dos EUA e a aparição do primeiro caso de coronavírus na espanha, dois fatos claros que conduzem diretamente as notícias de origem e destino falsas, até o dia 21 de janeiro e 2021, dia este que dá início a era de Joe Biden. O objetivo é tentar conhecer se o debate amargo e o protagonismo das fake news nos canais digitais tem um traslado proporcional às páginas dos jornais, e se são temas prioritários para os leitores. O estudo deixa claro que perante o bombardeio e o ruído em torno das fake news e as redes sociais na mídia social, na imprensa predomina uma reflexão sossegada, uma análise do problema e uma denúncia clara e forte contra este tipo de mensagens. E o que é mais importante: quase não é notícia para o papel.
PALAVRAS CHAVE: Fake news, Trump, desinformação, pós verdade, covid, infodemia, comunicação, bulos, infoxicação
Correspondence
Jesús Mula-Grau. Miguel Hernández University. Spain jmula@umh.es
Belén Cambronero-Saiz. International University of La Rioja. Spain belen.cambronero@unir.net
Received: 15/03/2021
Accepted: 20/05/2021
Published: 03/01/2022
How to cite this article
Mula-Grau, J. y Cambronero-Saiz, B. (2022). Identification of fake news published in the paper edition of a provincial newspaper in the era of Trump's digital disinformation and the start of COVID. From global to local. Vivat Academia. Revista de Comunicación, 155, 23-38. http://doi.org/10.15178/va.2022.155.e1329
Translation by Paula González (Universidad Católica Andrés Bello, Venezuela)
1. INTRODUCTION
On January 25th, 2021, the social network Twitter launched Birdwatch, a new tool, in testing, designed so that users themselves can combat misinformation and report fake news. The pilot experiment began in the United States with a small group of people who could carry out the verifications and even add notes to refute false posts or those with a willingness to manipulate. Almost in unison, the almighty Google, around January 16th, admitted to suppressing local news content in an experiment carried out in Australia. Between the two dates, specifically January 20th, Donald Trump, the greatest personification of fake news, left the White House, thus ending, in part, four years in which, during his term (2017-2021), fake news became news per se.
Possibly considered by public opinion as one of the largest emitters of misleading news (Twitter closed his account on January 9th, 2021), while surprisingly, he presented himself as a gladiator against misinformation, accusing veteran media (especially the New York Times and the Washington Post) of spreading pseudo-information, lies, and manipulating audiences, Trump has been one of the most mediatic presidents and has had the most global repercussion, besides for his position, for his controversies related to the coronavirus, among other issues (San Miguel and Sanchez-Gey, 2020).
The term fake news is an Anglo-Saxon concept that refers to what in Spanish society is also known as false news. At this time, it encompasses all alleged news that, ultimately, is broadcasted or repeated without contrast, most of the time emanating from bad faith or at least ignorance, which is configured rather as a hoax and that now, thanks to social networks, becomes viral and reaches all kinds of connected audiences for fast consumption and digestion.
Andrea Renda recalls that fake news affects public opinion by generating «a thick layer of “noise” » that generates confusion (2018, p.13), while for McIntyre, fake news is a modern form of propaganda (2018, p.127). María Luisa Cárdenas and David Polo (2019, p.147) speak of “citizen infoxication” to warn that we have traveled the journey from a traditional situation of scarcity of information to one of absolute data overflow in the present.
McNair points out that "the news has always been criticized for being biased, plagiarized, misrepresented, fabricated, fictitious, and, yes, falsified" (2018, p.17), while he encompasses fake news at a juncture that coincides with the rise of populisms and nationalisms and the discrediting of elites and the media.
Post-truth, the bosom of lies and misinformation, invades Western democratic societies, with almost no possibility of combating it, closely related to fake news, technology, and, especially, politics (Keyes, 2004; Alterman, 2004).
The media influence the attitude and positions of the citizenry. For example: changing social norms, reflecting on electoral decisions, political careers and economic measures, betting on certain values, presenting certain roles and their qualifications, changing the course of conflicts, and mobilizing public opinion, among others. That is, mass information, journalism (and, increasingly, social networks) can and do produce effects on the system. The fact of informing contributes to shaping public opinion in society. Thus, the mass media contribute to transforming the model of society in which we live. As early as 1922, Walter Lippmann addressed the conception of the stereotype and the creation of a model of public opinion that depends on the media. According to Lippmann, the information media are, therefore, a primary source, although not the only one, of the images and fictions that we have in our minds and with which public opinion is formed (Rubio, 2009).
Furthermore, the media delimit the agenda of topics on which citizens will discuss; they legitimize some actors and points of view to the detriment of others, and they issue judgments and evaluations that constitute the main frameworks for the discussions of the governed. This is linked to the well-known agenda-setting theory, which explains the impact, pressure, or influence on public opinion by the media and which began to arise in the late 1960s. In short, this theory indicates that the media tell us which topics to think about and, therefore, what to think about. Because what we know about the world on many occasions is what the media tell us, because of how they tell us, and we ignore what they stop telling us.
Some authors, however, moderate the effective electoral reach of fake news that has been disseminated through social networks and highlight the role of the traditional media as a corrector (Allcott and Gentzkow, 2017). Other researchers, on the other hand, consider that the increase in the volume of fake news and post-truth in recent years has also undermined quality standards and the traditional credibility of the media and journalists (Lewandowsky, Ecker, & Cook, 2017).
Vosoughi et al. (2018) worked from 126,000 rumors published on the social network Twitter from 2006 to 2017, with an estimated impact of close to three million users. Their study revealed that fake news reached an audience of between one thousand and one hundred thousand members, while authentic news hardly reached a thousand. The lie went further and faster than the truth and these researchers believe that two factors, the novelty and the emotional reactions of the target audience, that is, personal identification based on one's beliefs or prejudices and the desire to believe in part or all of the hoax, ignite the propagation wick (Ruchansky et al., 2017).
Murolo (2019) identifies post-truth as an idea, an imaginary, a collection of social representations and/or senses previously incorporated by audiences and from where fake news that refers to that idea, affirming or expanding it, is possible.
Today society has access to huge amounts of information but has neither the time nor the immediate tools at hand to carry out a verification screening. The economic crisis of 2008, and with it the unstoppable reduction of journalists in the newsrooms that has been further aggravated by the consequences of the pandemic, along with the rise of the internet, social networks, and citizen journalism, has led the reader to increasingly distrust professionals, the media, and their information, according to Costa Sánchez (2011).
In this sense, we must not lose sight of the fact that only 14 percent of Spaniards are capable of distinguishing a "fake news", although 59.5 percent think they can do it, according to the results of the "I Study on the Impact of Fake News in Spain", carried out by the social and market research company Simple Lógica, in collaboration with the Complutense University of Madrid (2017).
However, there is still a small redoubt of readers, most of the times of mature age, little inclined to inform themselves through social networks, or scarcely knowledgeable with new technologies, who prefer to know what is happening in their neighborhood and the world through their local headline newspaper. “Unlike digital newspapers, readers look in written newspapers that they rank and select some facts, interpret them, and allow them to identify with what a newspaper for which they pay represents” (Fernández, 2010). It represents an audience that, besides information, requires interpretation, opinion, and, therefore, having access to different points of view, something that is often provided by the tribunes or columns that mark the pages throughout the different sections: “The column can combine, like no other journalistic genre of opinion, the literary quality with firm opinions, the artistic imagination linked with that ideological or sentimental reality that the writer wants to share. The column does not live subject to the most immediate topicality” (Casals, 2000).
Although these readers are loyal to the media outlet and give a very high trust to the veracity of the news linked to a headline associated with seriousness, a certain bias, and good journalism, it is no less true that their number is decreasing month after month for various reasons that are not the object of this study.
2. OBJECTIVES
The goal of this research is to know which fake news becomes news for a person reading a provincial/local newspaper in Spain coinciding with the tensest US electoral campaign in recent years and, at the same time, with the appearance and evolution of the Covid pandemic. Both events have further lavished the appearance of this misinformation and, with it, the controversy and concern about the scope of fake news. Moreover, as a reaction, all this has led to actions to try to put a stop, not only by private organizations (in Spain, for example, Newtral, established in October 2017, is developing a relevant role, or Maldita, launched in 2018, among other journalistic companies) but also from the public administrations themselves. Why is fake news news, including international and national ones, for a local reader, we ask ourselves, just as we wanted to check if it is true that this “noise” arrives outside of social networks and the internet, if indeed it is capable to transcend the digital world and impact even on paper. And as a result of all this, knowing how it translates to the more traditional reader, so to speak.
2.1. General objective
The objective of this research is to carry out a detailed analysis of the content related to the fake news that appeared in Diario Información, the leading newspaper in the province of Alicante, between February 3rd, 2020, the start of the electoral campaign in the US and when in Spain there was the first and only person affected by coronavirus -a German tourist in the Canary Islands. From the start of the outbreak (December 31st) to February 3rd, 17,383 confirmed cases and 362 deaths had been reported, of which 361 were in China and one case in the Philippines, a person who came from Wuhan City, according to a press release from the Department of National Security of the Cabinet of the Presidency of the Government of Spain, and on January 21st, 2021, the day following the inauguration of Joe Biden as president of the United States and with Spain with a total of 2,456,675 cases of COVID-19 and a total death toll of 55,041, according to the official balance, offered by the Center for Coordination of Health Alerts and Emergencies.
2.2. Specific objectives
3. METHODOLOGY
This work has a mixed methodological approach by incorporating qualitative and quantitative methodologies to achieve the objectives. To achieve the first two objectives, quantitative frequency analyzes are applied, and for the last two, qualitative content analyzes. In this case, once the articles that met the inclusion and exclusion criteria contained in section 3.3 were extracted (those that dealt directly or indirectly with the concepts that related pairs such as covid and/or Trump with one or more of these terms: fake news, infoxication, post-truth, hoaxes, pandemic, disinformation, false news, US elections, and infodemic), ten of them were randomly selected for classification by the author of this work to develop an analysis template.
3.1. Object of study
Diario Información is the absolute leading provincial newspaper and the only printed one of its characteristics in the province of Alicante.
Diario Información offers between 36 and 68 pages from Monday to Sunday (due to the pandemic it has reduced its pagination). At the same time, almost all the content on paper is uploaded on its website, continuously updated, although this is not the case in reverse due to, clearly, the space limitation on paper.
The newspaper usually has two regional editions: Alicante and Elche and Vega Baja, but exceptionally it can present a single edition for very relevant events, or even have three editions in case of specific events.
According to the newspaper itself (12/04/2020), Información has 158,000 readers on average daily in its print edition, data from the last report of the General Media Study (EGM by its acronym in Spanish) made public by this media outlet. The EGM attributes a market share in the entire province of Alicante of 68.3%. This newspaper sells more and has more audience than the rest of the printed media together that are also sold in this Alicante province.
In March 2020, it reached 8,459,619 unique monthly users in its digital edition. The average reader of Información is a married man, between 45 and 64 years old, who works as the main breadwinner of his family and has a job, with high school or UOC studies, and who lives in towns of more than 10,000 inhabitants. Meanwhile, in the digital edition, the percentages are reversed, to the point that six out of ten readers are women and the average age is lower: the bulk of users are between 25 and 54 years old.
Furthermore, this newspaper dumps its contents on paper to the web and, in turn, links them to social networks, especially Facebook and Twitter, which is not alien to this ceremony of confusion (Rodríguez-Ferrándiz, 2019) given that it is a very powerful tool in the case of political communication in pre-campaign and electoral campaigns (Arceneaux and Weiss, 2010; Jackson and Lilleker, 2011) because it has absolutely become one of the social networks which quantify the greatest number of hoaxes compared to others such as Facebook or Instagram.
3.2. Study variables and categories
This work analyzes the type of news and the section it occupies; who are the actors and who are the protagonists who monopolize the news; the places where they occur, as well as what are the facts that the information published on fake news collects, and how is the informative treatment that is given.
To order and classify the data, an analysis template has been developed according to a categorical system. Following Pérez Serrano (1984, p.83), the formation of the categorical system is the most significant phase, since it «directly reflects the purpose of the researcher and the underlying theory that organizes the study; besides that, it constitutes one of the most difficult obstacles to overcome and where all the creativity of the scientist has to be put to the test».
The categorical coding system designed for this research is made up of four general or basic categories: 1) Article; 2) Characteristics of the article; 3) Characteristics or context of the fake news; and 4) Space it occupies in the printed edition (usually, the first pages tend to have more “value” than the later ones, and the odd and color ones, more than the even and in black and white ones).
Three of the four general categories are divided into subcategories:
Table 1. Categories and subcategories of analysis
Source: self-made
3.3. Sample scope
The sample under study has included 350 complete copies of the Diario Información in its Alicante edition, released between February 3rd, 2020 and January 21st, 2021 (March 31st, December 25th, and January 1st there was no edition of the newspaper because the previous days are very important holidays in Spain: Easter Friday, Christmas Eve, and New Year's Eve).
As inclusion criteria, all the news and opinions that mainly dealt with or made some tangential reference to fake news and/or false news and/or infoxication have been selected, while as exclusion criteria, those pages dedicated to the television grid, which referred only to the title or content of shows or films about this fact or synopsis of films or series that had to do with the subject under study have been rejected.
The work proposes an analysis that addresses different dimensions of the content (Piñuel Raigada, 2002) so that it functions as a vial that absorbs what really interests us about the set of articles that make up a printed newspaper daily.
To do this, after the first screening, an examination was carried out of the units that were really understood to have value and make direct reference to the substantive issue through the preparation of two analysis and calculation sheets:
The research begins with previous work in the newspaper library focused on the Diario Información of Alicante, of provincial and local scope (1,879,888 inhabitants in 2020) and the only print one with these characteristics that currently exists for readers of Alicante. All its sections are examined, including front and back covers, as well as periodic supplements, such as Art and Letters. Previously, a bibliographic analysis has also been carried out to correctly understand the concepts to be identified.
The research is justified in knowing how, where, and when fake news becomes news in themselves for a reader of a provincial-local newspaper and why the gatekeeper considers that they are of interest to an audience that aspires that “their” newspaper tells them what happens near where they live or work. Fake news, unknown until a few years ago, has become an almost daily topic of discussion in the Spanish media, especially through social networks, television, and radio stations nationwide, but does this also carry over to a local level through a local newspaper? Does the newspaper of a specific locality or a specific province also collect local or provincial fake news? Are there? These were other questions that arose as the research progressed.
4. RESULTS
The number of articles where fake news has been the object of news interest in this local-provincial newspaper for almost a year amounts to 58, that is, almost an average of once a week alone. Of these, 10 articles (17.2%) have to do with fake news and the pandemic; 8 articles (13.7%) relate fake news and covid to the local/provincial context, and many others are linked to other fake news issues that have nothing to do with any of the established categories; 6 articles (10.3%) deal with strategies to curb fake news, the same figure as the fake news-national politics relationship; while in 5 articles (8.6%) misinformation is addressed through criticism of audiovisual productions. (see Table 2).
Table 2. The topic of the news published in the Diario Información related to fake news (03/02/20 - 21/01/21)
Source: self-made
The remaining allusions, with a lower percentage of visibility, are, besides few, also so in terms of depth and approach.
Regarding the genres in which these articles are reflected, those that are the central subject of opinions and tribunes (21), news (16), reports (8), television or film reviews (7), and interviews (6) are at the forefront of all of them.
By sections, articles related to fake news appear above all on the pages of Opinion/Tribune (19), Local/Up-to-date/State of Alarm (13), Culture/Society (7), National (5), Last Minute ( 5), International (3), self-promotion pages (3), Arts and Letters supplement (1), Economics (1), and Politics (1).
From the journalistic dynamics of this newspaper, the scarce importance given in terms of pre-eminent information by the newspaper to the issues object of this study stands out. Not only because of its infrequency but also in terms of its location within the newspaper and its length. We refer to the facts when the fake news is about any issue addressed in the opinions and tribunes of collaborators or external authors, “outside” the newspaper. Or they are incorporated secondarily in the whole article. Not to mention when we translate these types of articles into space modules (a page is divided into ten modules high, by five wide, that is, 50 modules in total), at which time it is shown that, proportionally, throughout almost a whole year, and even in the whole of a day’s issue, the references to fake news hardly occupy appreciable space (never more than 1% of the total pages of the issue of the day), nor remarkable as a whole, nor in its preeminent location: that is, it rarely appears on the front or back cover; or in the first pages; or by opening the main sections; or occupying the odd and colored pages, which are usually the most valued by journalists and the most expensive when inserting advertisements.
But furthermore, it is even observed how fake news appears in television or film reviews, that is to say, again a genre linked to opinion, all this when, as it happens in this newspaper, they do not have to do with self-promotional content of the own newspaper, with brand content.
Reports, news, or interviews on fake news are scarce on paper, and if they are signed up, it is not precisely to introduce the reader to the latest controversy of Trump or covid concerning fake news, but rather in hoaxes that have to do with very local or provincial issues, for the most part far removed from North American politics or the global pandemic.
On the other hand, if there is something that predominates absolutely and clearly in the focus of the articles, it is the effort to denounce, criticize, reject, and raise awareness about the pernicious effects of fake news, either through providing information, opinion, or self-promotion content. It can be said that the interpretation of a critical tone is used in 100% of the analyzed elements. Far from this newspaper, at least given the study carried out, is any intention to contribute or give voice to favoring currents of fake news and, therefore, amplify them.
In short, "disinformation" is hardly served to the audience of Información on paper. What is published is from a complaint perspective, mainly from the opinion genres, seeking, if possible, the local focus or hanger, and without contributing to the reproduction of the media noise in this regard that emanates from the convulsive social networks. It is as if the paper of this newspaper were an island to which only reached a meager echo of digital infoxication.
5. DISCUSSION
Articles related to fake news are in the middle of the information maelstrom. Accuracy, balance, and coherence are not exactly attributes of fake news but they are of journalism, which does not mean that it is a simple task. The easy thing is to deviate from the path. The lack of space on paper, the increasing scarcity of human resources, the journalistic business model in crisis for more than a decade, and the effects of the current pandemic on the economy of companies, including news ones, weaken the quality of the information that is served. Precisely, now more than ever, rigorous media and truthful information are needed to contribute to the critical mass of public opinion.
The articles placed under the magnifying glass in this work (58) introduce information about fake news in a little detailed way in some of the analyzed characteristics, being the disinformation-pandemic, fake news-provincial sphere, the strategies to stop this "scourge”, and national politics, the issues with which this type of news is most related, in part consistent with the results of other articles (Román et al., 2020). Examples of denunciation, criticism, and awareness about fake news have been found mostly in opinion articles or tribunes. This is where the most comprehensiveness is achieved, while the news barely lists the pejorative aspects of fake news. That is, certain information does not go into detail in explaining why fake news should be invalidated, mainly thinking about what refers to manipulation, simple explanations to complex problems, taking the part for the whole, its disassembly with arguments, or delving into the risks they involve. It is in the articles with an external signature, the contributors of opinion, the tribune pens that fundamentally delve into the pernicious effects of fake news in different senses. It is also true that it is the tribune or opinion where the author has more freedom and it is not due to the construction of the news according to the established canons.
The results reveal, above all, that fake news is hardly news in this local newspaper, not only because of its “infrequency” but also because it does not occupy prominent spaces: it is rarely in the headlines and abundantly appears as a secondary or even tertiary topic.
It would be pertinent and necessary to schedule being able to extend this same work to the other three years of the Trump era to see if the fake news in the local Alicante press were news in crescendo or, on the contrary, they were left out of the present for a local audience. Similarly, the possibility of carrying out a similar study in parallel with a newspaper in the United States that covers a population similar to that of the province of Alicante was raised. However, the difficulties of telematically accessing from Spain newspaper archives that include digitized print editions, not even through the Chronicling America portal, led to the abandonment of this mission.
Therefore, to the question of what news about fake news is published for a local reader in the Trump-covid era, an answer could be that the frequency ratio is extremely low compared to the remaining corpus of news, but it is also important to note that it is more a matter of opinion genres than of information genres and that the media noise and the massive battle that is being waged in social media around this issue hardly has any transfer or echo in what is known and understood like a provincial newspaper.
REFERENCES
AUTHORS
Jesús Mula-Grau
Doctor in Studies and Research on Women, Feminists, and Gender from the Miguel Hernández University of Elche. Master's Degree in Gender Equality in the Public and Private Scope from the Miguel Hernández of Elche and Jaume I Universities. Degree in Information Sciences specializing in Journalism from the Polytechnic University of Valencia. Professor of Journalistic Writing I, Journalistic Writing II, Scientific and Environmental Journalism in the degree of Journalism and double degree of Audiovisual Communication and Journalism at the Miguel Hernández University of Elche, and of Corporate Communication at the university center Mediterranean Institute of Protocol Studies IMEP attached to the UMH. Co-organizer of an international congress, speaker at various congress events, and author of various publications and book chapters related to communication, gender, and journalism.
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5100-9492
Belén Cambronero-Saiz
Degree in Advertising and Public Relations (UA) and Ph.D. in Pluridisciplinary Gender Studies (Communication and Health lines) (UA). She has worked as an FPI researcher in the UA Department of Communication and Social Psychology. At this same university, she has participated in numerous R+D+i projects and research groups, publishing more than a dozen articles focused on health, communication, and gender. Since 2016, she has been working as a PDI at UNIR teaching undergraduate and graduate degrees and leading the Academic Coordination of Internships of the Faculty of Business and Communication of the same university. As a researcher and teacher, she has made stays at different universities in Europe, Australia, and Latin America, strengthening her bond with foreign universities.
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5273-9534